Professor Korte, all the small parties – the FDP, the Greens and the Left party – increased their share of the vote in the recent Bundestag election, while the big parties – the CDU/CSU and SPD – suffered significant losses. How have things changed as a result of this election?
We now have a new quality of party competition in Germany, which first began to emerge at the 2005 Bundestag election. This trend was strengthened by the grand coalition of the CDU/CSU and the SPD, which now only leaves us with medium-sized parties.
Have the majority of the electorate ceased to identify with one specific party, leaving only floating voters?
Voters in Germany have become more selective. The proportion of floating voters has doubled in the last twenty years. People still have ties to parties, but they are becoming weaker overall. And smaller majorities mean that elections are more often determined by voters who make up their minds at the last minute.
Is this trend due to the fact that many voters no longer recognize clear distinctions between the parties?
There is a longing for differentiation and distinction, a positive yearning for polarization on the voters’ part. People want to know what they are getting and who will produce the biggest personal benefits for them. That’s why they want to see distinctions, but are no longer able to discern any. The CDU/CSU and SPD grand coalition also smoothed over such differences.
How should these developments be seen in the light of general European trends?
In party political terms, Germany has become more European. We have a colourful republic with different formats for majority governments. New formulas are required for government today. The established formula of large and small parties is no longer automatically effective. That’s why we are seeing difficulties in the formation of majorities, arduous processes, less stability when it comes to government.
Are political parties again moving back into their traditional camps?
I don’t see that happening. The political camps have been levelled and smoothed over. We have a centre camp incorporating many parties. And we still have a defective camp on the Left which was long characterized by the taboo of collaboration between the SPD and the Left party and to which we cannot simply add the Greens. However, the Government versus Opposition mechanism is working again.
Which question decided the election?
Economic competence was decisive. Voters rewarded competence that showed promise of solving the economic and financial crisis. This was linked with a “boom competence” that people primarily ascribed to the FDP. It is interesting that the election outcome changed as people grew accustomed to the crisis. Initially, the issue of economic security was at the centre of attention – ahead of social justice. That changed before the election. Questions of fairness have again become more important.
How do you explain the SPD losses?
The most important point was that the SPD had no prospect of gaining power. Another important reason is that the party is searching for its own identity and was clearly no longer able to present its core principle to the voters – namely, the question of what social justice represents for the SPD.
What are the major challenges facing the new government?
How can you regain scope for shaping development when you practically no longer have any money? That’s where the challenge lies. And if I attempt to effect change – for example, through budget consolidation, through economies, through higher tax revenues – then I have to organize the redistribution required as a result of the economic and financial crisis in a socially just manner. That’s the only way to remain capable of winning a majority. If the government succeeds in releasing funds, it will also be possible to set new accents in integration, education and climate policy.
